Early-Modern colonialism was far from monolithic. Many spaces remained open to developments that eventually reinforced the decolonization of local selves. In Chuquisaca (now Sucre, Bolivia), one such episode, hitherto unknown, featured composer Antonio Durán de la Mota, whose short tenure as chapel master, I argue, had important consequences for local creation and facilitated the emergence of a performative identification with the city. 
Durán (1651-1736) was a Portuguese musician trained in Evora who settled in Potosí, Bolivia, in the late-1680s. The Chuquisaca cathedral chapter handpicked him to replace the mythic chapel master Juan de Araujo a few weeks after the latter's death (1712), and to restore the group's former brilliance. Durán obliged; he served for just 120 days in 1714 but forever changed local music. 
Durán's reform mainly affected the repertory. Araujo's pieces featured straightforward, sound Spanish-style music that delicately balanced imitation with homophony. Durán instead favored thick, fast-moving contrapuntal fabrics not common in Spain, whose voices ended up fusing to produce spectacular sound effects. In the cathedral, he took musical elaboration to a new level, while showcasing the singers' talents and strengthening the group. His complex novelties caused such a stir that the locals, Roque Chavarría and Blas Tardío, younger cathedral musicians, appropriated and developed them. The systematic exploitation of effects in Chavarría's "megavillancicos" of 1717-1719 is Duranian, while the unyieldingly full imitative textures of Tardío's pre-1731 production apparently comes directly from the Portuguese master's composition lessons. While Chavarría and Tardío partook in the ceremonial promotion of colonialism, they also expressed and celebrated a novel feeling of belonging to the city for the first time. 
These creators found in Durán not just inspiration but also the knowhow to differentiate themselves from peninsular Spaniards without arousing suspicion. Their pieces remained in the repertory until the 1760s, eliciting other creative responses along the way. The Portuguese Durán completely assimilated himself into the urban milieu of Chuquisaca. To the city he gifted a major musical contribution that reached beyond colonialism-he furthered domination but seeded a not-quite-colonial sense of locality.

Restoration musical entertainments often revived older plays, "improving" them with music, updated language, and fashionable sensibilities. Peter Motteux's _Island Princess_ (1699) is a semi-opera drawn from an abridged version of John Fletcher's 1621 play, which had predictably championed the English and lampooned the Portuguese in a colonial match-making farce. Curiously, while there is very little music in Fetcher's play, his use of chanting with bells reflected narratives of indigenous musics reported by Spanish explorers, providing an informed and even sympathetic depiction of the peoples of Tidore.


By 1699, _Island Princess_ had already seen three Restoration revivals, reflecting the popularity and currency of subject matter involving the ever-changing alliances of the Spice Wars. To transform this play into a semi-opera, Motteux removed over 500 lines of text, making room for a pagan spiritual ceremony and a bawdy, subtly politicized "Musical Interlude." The music was collaboratively composed by Daniel Purcell, Jeremiah Clarke, and Richard Leveridge. This, Curtis Price notes, created an atmosphere of friendly competition between the composers, spurring them toward greater creativity. A predominantly French musical style, common amongst the English stage music of the day pervades the opera, however, this is notably interrupted in the scene with the holy Brahmin choir (IV.ii). Here Leveridge emerged as the old Brahmin, singing "Oh Cease, urge no more" in a markedly Italianate, cantata-like style, meant to shake both the characters and the audience with wild millenarian exhortations evocative of the exotically Other world of the East Indies. 


From 1621 to 1699, these dramatic representations of the voices of the native peoples of Tidore markedly changed from ethnographic aurality to Italianate spectacle, which was simultaneously attractive and threatening to contemporary English audiences. This study uses source and ephemera study of early prints and extant manuscripts of the entertainments with reception history to argue that Motteux was invested in exoticization for commercial reasons related both to ticket sales and his import business. The wild success of Motteux's _Island Princess_ informed the imaginations of a generation of English imperialists, further dehumanizing indigenous peoples, and confirming colonialist narratives of the burgeoning British Empire.

The fatality of poverty is a familiar trope in the narratives of the great composers.  A case in point is the life and works of the Afro-Brazilian chapelmaster José Maurício Nunes Garcia (1767-1830).  The mulatto son of freed slaves, no one doubts that Garcia hailed from humble beginnings.  But was he destitute later on in his career, as his scholars emphasize?  The traditional perception is represented thus in the _New Grove Dictionary_: "_But after the arrival in 1811 of Marcos Portugal [1762-1830], the most famous Portuguese composer of his time, Garcia's position and production tended to decline. His humility and benevolence kept him from counteracting Portugal's intrigues._"


Our paper demonstrates that, while it is true that "_he died in extreme poverty_", to cite the same source, the reason for his misfortune was not his alleged humility and professional decline, but rather his family circumstances.  An ordained Catholic priest, it is notorious that Garcia fathered at least six children with one or more mistresses.  This concubinage, however, carried financial and legal implications hitherto ignored in musicological scholarship.


Our argument falls into four sections.  The first consists of a quantitative survey of Garcia's earnings over the course of his career, based on his association with such institutions as the Rio de Janeiro cathedral, municipal council, and lay brotherhoods.  The second illuminates this income comparatively to other prices and wages from the same period.  It shall become clear that lacking income does not constitute a satisfactory explanation for his financial woes.  The third focuses on an unexplained aspect of his life-story: the frequency with which he changed residences.  We shall argue that Garcia moved from house to house not only for financial reasons, as his children grew in age and number, but for the sake of discretion and fear of denouncement; serious were the legal consequences faced by vow-breaking priests at the time, ranging from monetary fines to expatriation.  Finally, from a score-based perspective, we shall demonstrate that the composer himself left a record of these anxieties in both music and poetry through his vernacular, sentimental songs or _modinhas_.